The poor man feels it!
“Gas gone up, bus fare gone up, the rent gone up, meal gone up, car parts gone up, onions gone up, red beans gone up, black pepper gone up, chicken gone up; parents them angry because picken them hungry.” — Peter Tosh, 2002
“Under pressure, we are under pressure; Nigerians under pressure. No food in our belly, no money in our pocket, no bed to let rest. Some are crying, some are dying, some are weeping, some are wailing, under pressure, everybody under pressure. Got no future, we go under belly…” — Ras Kimono, 1988
Peter Tosh and Ras Kimono (who mostly spoke in tongues) sang in the good old days when things were somewhat normal, when leaders were human and humane. But that’s by the way.
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In July 2024, the ECOWAS Community Court of Justice ruled that Nigeria violated the human rights of some EndSARS protesters, specifically Obianuju Udeh and two others. Shortly after that ruling, the End Hunger & Bad Governance (EndHuBaGo) protests erupted in Nigeria. The government and security forces responded with the same heavy-handed tactics as during EndSARS, and even escalated in some instances, indicating that we have learned nothing and forgotten nothing.
The initial government response to the EndHuBaGo protests was predictable: sowing seeds of discord among citizens, pitting the north against the south, Muslims against Christians, and buying the support and consciences of various individuals and groups. Government mouthpieces, including the SGF and APC governors, advised the people to give the government more time, while Akpabio taunted the masses, saying they should protest while he and other “demigods” would be dining. Many organisations spoke against the protest, while some admitted they were paid to do so. Since the protesters gave notice of their intentions, the government sponsored a counter-protest against a protest that had not yet taken place. These counter-protesters were protected by the police and faced no attacks from hoodlums. However, some of them were deceived, and the protest was reportedly done on credit as it was not cash-backed.
The protests began in an unexpected place — the north, with the initial action in Goronyo LGA of Sokoto State on July 31, 2024, before spreading nationwide. Soon, familiar scenes emerged: bonfires, assaults, and vandalization of public property. Curfews were imposed, particularly in the north. Police officers, who had previously shared water and biscuits in Lagos during protests against “TINUBUlation,” now turned 180 degrees and resumed their usual actions. It sometimes feels as if Nigerian police are trained specifically in cruelty toward Nigerians. They fired live bullets, killed many, injured even more, and arrested numerous people, including minors. There were some lighter moments, such as a woman blaming bad governance for her inability to get married and another woman arriving with an empty pot.
While shooting, killing, and injuring protesters who were simply expressing their hunger, the government sought out alleged sponsors, financiers, and organisers, just as they had during EndSARS. Government claims reached a fever pitch; they alleged that some young troublemakers in the north were plotting to overthrow the government. The Minister of Trade claimed the protests had cost the economy N500 billion, including N52 billion worth of goods. When did they gather this data? When did this government start caring about businesses? This is a government that knows more about taxation than even Zacchaeus, the biblical tax collector — a government that began with the mantra “subsidy is gone” and floated the naira, both of which are strangling businesses. On the same day the government vowed to deal with protest sponsors and “enemies of the state,” it was announced that documents from the NNDC forensic audit were missing. No one has been held accountable for this missing document!
Before long, security officials identified the REAL sponsors, including Joe Ajaero of the NLC. They escalated the issue internationally by arresting Ajaero as he was on his way to a global labour event. They also arrested a white man they branded the chief instigator. SERAP’s office was “accidentally” raided, and the courts became involved, with injunctions procured to destabilise the protestors’ plans. A judge who restricted the protest to the national stadium turned out to be Wike’s brother, though another judge refused to halt the protest. Soon, Russian flags appeared, with people who couldn’t spell “Russia” calling for Russian intervention and chanting for regime change. That’s how the issue of treason surfaced. Ironically, Ahmad Yusuf Muhammad’s parents, whose son was accused of making the flags, said the young man didn’t even know how to use a sewing machine. Just like during Jonathan’s administration, mock coffins bearing the president’s name appeared in the streets. The Southeast remained suspiciously calm throughout all this, seemingly united and indifferent.
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Last week, the trial of the accused “coupists” began, with emaciated and sick young men — likely subjected to inhuman treatment — who didn’t even understand the meaning of treason. Their condition sparked global outcry, but the Chief of Army Staff insisted they were adults, while their defence lawyer said they were pretending, probably having learned from our politicians who fainted in court. The judicial system, which granted a N500,000 bail to Mascot the Magician (only magicians make people disappear), set these young men’s bail at N10 million with two sureties, who must be senior civil servants. Truly, the law is an ass! In my five years in the north, I observed that most incidents of arson, vandalism, and political or religious violence there have been carried out by minors, whom authorities routinely let go. Now, these same minors are being charged not with public disorder, but with treason. What has changed? The Attorney General requested their case files, and the President ordered their release. But what do we do about a system that arrested these young men, detained them for months, and imposed outrageous bail conditions? Why not go after those who financed and provided the Russian flags in the first place?
During EndSARS, unarmed protesters were arrested, injured, and killed. Organisers were trailed, and their bank accounts frozen. The government denied any killings or underreported the death toll. Protesters were held in inhumane conditions long after the events ended. During EndSARS, documents related to President Tinubu’s trial went missing or were burnt. During EndHuBaGo, documents related to Ganduje’s trial also disappeared. The EndHuBaGo affair mirrored EndSARS in many ways, the only difference being the involvement of minors this time. Just as with EndSARS, the aftermath has been about retribution, and that’s where we are now. Ironically, these protests over economic hardship have erupted while the Coordinating Minister of the Economy has insisted that the government won’t reverse any reforms. The President’s wife and the National Security Adviser — who, in his first tenure, regularly published lists of the most corrupt politicians — are now organising national prayers for economic turnaround and security. Let’s see how it ends.
One last thing: compare the “before” and “after” photos of Khalid Aminu, arrested over EndHuBaGo, and those of Dr Ganiyat Popoola and her nephew, who were detained for ten months by Boko Haram. Judge for yourself who looks better: the one detained by police for three months or the one detained by Boko Haram for ten months. What does this tell us?
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