Prior to the 2023 general election, the Labour Party was a moribund entity. It existed merely as one of the 18 political parties in Nigeria. Admittedly, the party is relatively older compared to other political organisations, except the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).
The party had produced a governor before—Dr Olusegun Mimiko of Ondo State, who governed for eight years. However, following Mimiko’s defection to the PDP after his tenure, the Labour Party returned to its moribund status.
Peter Obi’s entry into the Labour Party revitalised it. While he wasn’t the first presidential candidate in its history, his candidacy in the 2023 election dramatically altered the party’s fortunes. For the first time, the Labour Party produced a governor, eight senators, over 35 House of Representatives members, and over a hundred House of Assembly members across states. The party had never achieved this level of success, not even when Mimiko became the first governor on its platform.
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This achievement did not occur because of Julius Abure, the national chairman of the party at the time. His predecessors, like Dan Nwanyanwu, were far more politically astute than Abure. Rather, it was Peter Obi’s candidacy that made the difference. Without Peter Obi, it’s unlikely that the Labour Party will win a single state House of Assembly seat in the 2027 election, except for the re-election bid of Abia State Governor, Dr Alex Otti.
What Peter Obi accomplished in 2023 was extraordinary. He turned a party that previously held no councillor seats into one that garnered over six million votes in the presidential election (according to the results declared by the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC). It’s believed that Peter Obi might have actually won over 15 million votes nationwide, but INEC allocated him around six million. Despite the PDP’s 13 governors and hundreds of federal and state legislators, and the APC’s control of the presidency, vice presidency, Senate, and over 22 state governorships, their respective presidential candidates only managed to win 6.7 million and 8 million votes.
This narrative highlights Peter Obi as the most valuable politician in contemporary Nigeria. Even if he were to leave the Labour Party and contest on another platform, he would carry his goodwill with him.
Against this backdrop, it is shocking and bewildering to witness Julius Abure’s recent belligerence. Abure should be grateful for his role during the general election, but instead, he has become obstinate. Before Peter Obi joined the party, Abure was virtually unknown to Nigerians. Why, then, is he behaving like an ingrate? Does he genuinely care about the party?
Governor Alex Otti of Abia State, the Labour Party’s sole governor, has attempted to broker peace within the party. Yet, Abure audaciously questions Otti’s authority to intervene. During Mimiko’s tenure, Dan Nwanyanwu never publicly disagreed with him. In contrast, Abure’s behaviour is highly contentious.
The Labour Party is now the third force in Nigeria. Yet, Abure claims to have held a convention in the remote village of Nnewi, where he was reelected. How can such an important party—one that includes Peter Obi, Alex Otti, and hundreds of legislators—hold a convention in such a location, without live television coverage or INEC’s legal presence?
What does Abure hope to achieve by sowing discord within the party? He once attempted to establish the Obidient Movement Secretariat within the Labour Party, failing to realise that Peter Obi personifies the Obidient Movement. Wherever Obi goes, the movement follows. Is Abure being used by external forces to destabilise the party? Does he want to play his own version of Lamidi Apapa’s game?
