In my last two columns, I considered the history of London’s social infrastructure with reference to the development of present-day Lagos. Part of my argument was that what might be considered the irrelevant past is actually significant today. It is fundamentally impossible, for example, to understand the Middle East and its various crises; the Israeli/Palestinian conflict; ISIS and religious clashes; the Kurdish identity; Lebanon and so on without appreciating the historical context. If you think history is only about the past, just ask about the Armenian massacre in a café in Istanbul or ask who were the original occupants of Jerusalem in a falafel joint in the old city.
The corollary of this is that in many parts of the world, understanding one’s cultural and historical legacy is a key part of the educational curriculum. It may be skewed to support that country’s ‘authorised’ perspective but it assists in developing a shared cultural heritage and exposes children to their national agenda. Like every child in the UK, I was brought up with Roman Britain, the Battle of Hastings, Kings and Queens and the Battle of Britain. True, I was given a truly empire-driven view of colonial history which was not put, for me, in a more objective perspective until I started independent reading and was exposed to the consequences. Nevertheless, that early teaching gave me the tools to understand the impact of my country’s history and its cultural and political influences on my upbringing.
Unbelievably, when I talk to most Nigerians, especially those under forty, I find an almost unbelievable ignorance about their own history. It seems there has almost never been any serious attempt to provide a true historical and cultural curriculum in schools. My older friends were given the official colonial story in government colleges of that era but it seems ‘African Studies’ is now taught more in Europe and the US than it is in Nigeria. I have not seen any serious analysis of this on Nigeria’s social and cultural development, but I cannot believe it can be anything but a negative influence. Too often do younger Nigerians complain, “Wow! Uncle Keith, you know more about my country than I do!”, which is an indictment on Nigeria’s educational system. I don’t profess to be a master and the reading I have done has not been for academic reasons.
Over the years, in the companies I have managed, I have been responsible for the administration of many thousands of Nigerian staff and overseen budgets of millions of dollars on communication and marketing. Bizarrely (to my mind), many expatriates in management or the marketing space seem to think they can be effective without gaining at least some insight into the culture and heritage of their hosts and their customers. This seems to be increasingly pertinent in the multi-nationals where a two- or three-year secondment is about as long as one gets and marketing campaigns are driven more by overseas marketing agencies and campaigns are de-cultured for global cost-effectiveness.
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Any doubt that history is relevant today should look at Nigeria’s current political situation with a particular reference to security. A proper understanding of the various flashpoints of violence across the Middle Belt and the North is not possible without understanding the colonial legacy – and not just the British. Superficial reading of the North as ‘just’ being Hausa-Fulani is to fail to recognise the impact on minority ethnic groups, Christian and Muslim, who were displaced or conquered by the Hausa expansion in the 16th century and the Fulani Jihad in the early 19th century. Lugard’s arrogant, superficial doctrine of indirect rule made the whole mix even worse and completed the foundations for terror that we are experiencing today. The origins of Boko Haram, stoked by poverty and irresponsible politicians, were grounded in Kanuri-Hausa historical tensions and re-ignited other local, long-lived friction such as that between the Papru and Bra. Understanding violence in Plateau needs to go beyond the recent movement of Fulani herdsmen escaping conflict and desertification and consider historical relationships between a mix of local Christian and Muslim groups including Berom, Afizere, Amo, Anaguta, Aten, Bogghom, Buji, Challa, Chip, Fier, Gashish, Goemai, Irigwe, Jarawa, Jukun, Kofyar, Montol, Mushere, Mupun, Mwaghavul, Ngas, Piapung, Pyem, Ron-Kulere, Bache, Talet, Taroh, Youm with the more recent (in historical terms) influx of Hausa and Fulani. Clearly, any lasting solution will require a profound understanding of that historical context.
The prominence of the traditional ruler in Nigeria’s historical context is important. Their roles are distinct in each of Nigeria’s geographic/cultural zones but there are similarities. No resolution of the northern conflicts will be possible without the accumulated wisdom and counsel of traditional rulers from Emirs down to local headmen. I suspect the role of our new Emir of Kano will be critical over the coming years. Interestingly, I am reading two history books published in the last few months which, in their separate ways, consider the role of the traditional ruler and the elite here in Lagos and which are fascinatingly relevant to life in Lagos today. These will form the final part of my argument in the second part of the column next week.
Keith Richards
