There is currently no evidence to support the claim that democracy is a perfect system of governance. However, humans still need to figure out a better means to guarantee the freedom and consent of the governed. Democracy remains the most practical choice available. We must keep working on it until it accurately reflects our goals because it’s an evolving idea even after many years. Because Nigeria, Africa’s largest democracy, is fashioned after the United States (US) model of liberal presidential democracy, whatever threatens democracy in that land becomes of interest to us. Recent unsavoury developments around the candidature of Donald Trump called for Nigeria to look inward and reflect on the ability of the institutions to prevail over considerations of status and sentiments.
Read also: Donald Trump, ex-US president convicted of 34 felony charges, to be sentenced July 11
America, the flagship of democracy, may face its first real test of the elasticity of democracy and democratic institutions. For the first time in its history, there is a likelihood that Donald Trump may be campaigning from prison or as a convicted criminal to be elected as President of the US. A Manhattan jury has convicted Donald Trump of falsifying business records to cover up a hush-money payment to a porn star. On July 11, a New York court will give him a sentence. This raises a moral conundrum, a constitutional issue, a dilemma for the party, electoral questions, and a logistics challenge.
Some pertinent rhetorical questions merit consideration: can Trump run for office, and what does the US Constitution say? Can the Republican Party replace Trump, and is there a precedence? Can the party system survive a deadly jolt in the event that the law eventually disqualifies Trump? Mr. Trump is registered to vote in Florida, and the law of that state bars convicted people; can Mr. Trump vote? Can Mr. Trump be elected while in prison, and is there a constitutional provision to guarantee this? What if Mr. Trump is convicted in other states where he is facing more criminal proceedings? What are the implications? These questions will test the US Constitution and presidential transition tradition as they have never been before.
“A sentence that does not border on fraud, financial crimes, or forgery will not count or lead to the disqualification of a person running for president.”
Although I will not attempt to answer most of these rhetorical questions, I boldly posit some facts that deserve attention. The US Constitution does not disqualify a person convicted from running for the office of president. Consequent to the preceding, a court’s conviction of Donald Trump will not prevent or disqualify him from running for the said office. In the case of Nigeria, Section 137 lists grounds for disqualifying a person standing for election to the office of President, and it includes a trial court conviction that must have taken place within a period of less than ten years before the date of the election to the office of President, and the said conviction must be in respect of an offence involving dishonesty or the person has been found guilty of the contravention of the Code of Conduct. In essence, not all court convictions apply in Nigeria. A sentence that does not border on fraud, financial crimes, or forgery will not count or lead to the disqualification of a person running for president. We may recall that this issue arose at the last presidential election petition trial, and legal experts argued this point.
The implications of all of these are fundamental to liberal democracy. This marks the first-ever conviction of a sitting or former president in American history for a criminal offence. A triumph for accountability and the fundamental idea that no one in a democracy is above the law—not even the highest elected official—this momentous milestone is also a victory for soberness. Trump’s conviction shows how a working democratic system can achieve justice. It serves as a reminder that we cannot discuss democracy without bolstering the judiciary’s independence, built on solid political culture and institutional resilience. This is a painful spot in Nigeria’s democratic journey right now. The only thing that can ensure the preservation of democracy and our freedom is an impartial, courageous, and independent judiciary.
The stress tests American democracy faces reveal the resilience and fragility of democratic systems, especially institutions. Learning from these challenges allows Nigeria to build a more robust and responsive democracy. This stressor provides valuable insights into the strengths and vulnerabilities of democratic governance, which can be instructive for countries like Nigeria, which has a complex democratic landscape.
The first lesson is the supremacy of the rule of law. No one is above the law, and no matter how highly placed, they must be subjected to the accountabilities and dictates of the law. Reminding future generations that nobody is above the law in a democracy is essential, and we must strengthen our democratic institutions so they can withstand any bullying. Creating strong institutional structures is vital to withstand the most heinous attacks on democracy.
Read also: Pornstar testifies against Donald Trump, recounts sexual encounters
The second lesson is that we must fortify the other two arms of government—the legislature and judiciary—against executive capture. Any attack on democracy from the executive arm, either still in power or out of power, must be resisted by the legislature and judiciary. The legislature must make clear laws that can easily overcome divisiveness, not opaque ones that become easy political tools. The judiciary must dispense justice equitably and responsibly. The weaker a legislature or the judiciary is, the easier it is for leaders from the executive arm to exploit the system, either to expand their power or to take down an opponent.
The third lesson is that the Nigerian state must declare a war on corruption and hold all corrupt people accountable. The fight against corruption should not be limited to politicians and politically exposed people but must cover corrupt businesses, public servants, and civil society. Like the case of Trump, his first conviction was not based on his actions while in office but on his seemingly private affair that hovers around how he handled his books and hush money for the porn star he was accused of having sexual entanglement. The question we must ask ourselves is: can a seemingly innocuous thing, albeit a crime, force a former president in Nigeria to be convicted of a felony?
The fourth lesson is that no criminal should be allowed to become the President of Nigeria. Americans did not foresee a future where a strong candidate like Trump would emerge as a party frontrunner with convictions hanging on his neck, but now it has happened. The example of Eugene V. Debs, a socialist leader who appeared as a candidate from prison and ran for the presidency, should have guided their legal framework, but America has a way with a history that their democracy does not fall apart. That cannot be said of an emerging democracy like Nigeria. Just like it happened to us during the death of Umaru Yar’adua, and for days, lawyers were struggling with the instrument to use until the “doctrine of necessity” was invoked, this is the best time to review the constitution to amend any ambiguity in our laws to protect our democracy.
Nigeria must fortify its democratic foundations and ensure a stable and inclusive political future.
Building solid institutions and an excellent democratic political culture steeped in democratic principles and ethos deemphasizes the power of political agents, especially those so powerful that they exert a considerable influence on the entire political system.
