As is customary, the US state department recently released its annual report on human rights in Nigeria titled: “Nigeria 2018 Human Rights Report.” As expected, and just like 2017’s, the report detailed a series of human rights infractions, abuse of power, extrajudicial killings, corruption and transparency issues in Nigeria.
The report affirmed that human rights generally remained appalling in Nigeria. it listed these infractions to include: extrajudicial and arbitrary killings; disappearances and arbitrary detentions; torture, particularly in detention facilities, including sexual exploitation and abuse; use of children by some security elements, looting, and destruction of property; civilian detentions in military facilities, often based on flimsy evidence; denial of fair public trial; executive influence on the judiciary; infringement on citizens’ privacy rights; restrictions on freedoms of speech, press, assembly, and movement; official corruption; lack of accountability in cases involving violence against women and children, including female genital mutilation/cutting and sexual exploitation of children; trafficking in persons; early and forced marriages; criminalization of status and same-sex sexual conduct based on sexual orientation and gender identity; and forced and bonded labor.”
In support of its damning verdict and as evidence of the impunity with which the Nigerian government operates, the report noted that the Nigerian government does not take steps to hold to account officials who perpetuated impunity whether in the security forces or in civil society. Much more serious however, is the view in the report that “civilian authorities did not always maintain effective control over the security services.”
Proofs of this conclusion is ample. In March 2018, it emerged that for two months, the president did not know that the Inspector General of Police disobeyed his direct orders for him to relocate to Benue state to stop the killings by herdsmen in the state. The IGP stayed only one day in Benue state and relocated to Nasarawa. “It is only now that I am hearing this. But I know that I sent him here, Buhari retorted in shock to General Atom Kpera (rtd) who pointedly challenged him that the IG did “not do the work you sent him. He stayed for less than 24 hours in Benue and relocated to Nasarawa.” But even after the president knew and said publicly the IGP disobeyed him, the IGP still retained his position and even dismissed insinuations from some presidency sources that he was ever queried for disobeying the president’s orders.
Similarly, in 2017, the Senate twice rejected the nomination of Ibrahim Magu as substantive Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) by President Muhammadu Buhari all on the advice of the Department of State Security (DSS) that he (Magu) “has failed the integrity test and will eventually constitute a liability to the anti-corruption drive of the present administration.” After the first refusal, the president ordered the Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami, to investigate the validity of the allegations. No report was ever made public on the investigation but the president re-nominated Mr Magu and the DSS again gave a damning report of Magu leaving the Senate with no option other than to reject Magu’s nomination again.
Curiously, both the EFCC and the DSS are agencies under the presidency and they both report to the president. Interestingly, the DSS was then headed by Buhari’s trusted kinsman from Daura, Lawal Musa Daura, recalled from retirement to head the agency. The whole country was baffled that the DSS that constitutionally reports to the president could directly undermine the president and presidential authority so blatantly without any consequence.
Perhaps, it was the boldness gained from overriding the president that emboldened Lawal Daura to subsequently order the invasion of the National Assembly by fully armed and hooded DSS operatives to enable a leadership change without any authorisation.
Recently also, the army appears to have taken over the function of the federal government and the ministry of foreign affairs banning operations of global agencies like UNICEF, calling for the close down of Amnesty International’s Nigerian office and even warning the United Kingdom government not to interfere in Nigeria’s internal affairs while the government and the foreign affairs ministry kept sealed lips.
We now face a peculiar danger: a situation where the security forces have gone amok, defining for themselves their own rules of engagement and engaging in wanton abuse of human rights. The time tasted maxim that the armed forces must always be under the control of the civilian leadership no longer applies to Nigeria. This must not be allowed to happen.
The Buhari government must move to reassert full control over the security forces and ensure they are subordinated to the civilian authorities. Their leadership must also be held accountable for the conduct of their men and those found to have gone beyond their briefs or abused human rights brought to book. Ultimately, the government must recommit itself to protecting the human rights of all Nigerians.
