The Lakurawa terror group has emerged as a significant threat to the stability of North West Nigeria, exploiting weak intelligence frameworks, porous borders, and socio-economic vulnerabilities to wreak havoc on communities in mainly parts of Kebbi and Sokoto State. Despite their growing menace and alleged affiliations with global jihadist networks like the Islamic State, Nigeria’s intelligence and security apparatus has remained largely reactive and fragmented. This “intelligence and security comatose” has emboldened the group, allowing them to expand their operations and destabilise the region further. Now is the time for decisive action to wake up from this inertia, strengthen our counter-terrorism strategies, and implement robust, proactive measures. By leveraging modern intelligence tools, fostering collaboration across government levels, and addressing the socio-economic drivers of extremism, Nigeria can effectively confront the Lakurawa threat and restore peace to affected regions.
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Origins of the Lakurawas in Northwest Nigeria
The Lakurawas are a radical terror group in North West Nigeria’s complex security landscape particularly in parts of Sokoto and Kebbi State. The term “Lakurawa” may have originated from the french word “la recrue” meaning the recruit. It is used by locals of communities in parts of Sokoto and Kebbi to describe itinerant groups, who were initially nomadic herders, but subsequently engaged in proselytisation and more recently armed radicalised groups affiliated with the Islamic State (IS) who enforce their brand of Islam and were predisposed to targeting and attacking mainly security forces and communities who resisted them. These groups, believed to have originated from across the Sahel, particularly Mali, primarily operate in rural and forested areas, exploiting weak state presence and governance vacuums.
In 2018, communities in parts of Gudu and Tanghaza Local Government Areas of Sokoto State reported to the State authorities of the presence of armed herdsmen suspected to be Malians whom they referred to as “Lakurawa” that had converged in Marake Forest in Gudu Local Government Area and Wassaniya, Tunigara, Moliava, Jina-Jincti villages in Tangaza Local Government Area both of Sokoto state.
The then Police Commissioner in Sokoto State, Murtala Mani issued a statement where he discountenanced any concern regarding the presence of the group. According to him, “intelligence gathered from competent authorities of the area” indicated that the herdsmen were annual visitors to the nearby forests bordering the two local government area with their cattle, but that the number of the cattle increased exponentially this year, to about 3000 from the usual figures of about 500 to 700. He explained that the herdsmen usually stay in the forest in Niger Republic whenever they embark on such annual movement but occasionally enter the villages of Gudu and Tanghaza LGAs to procure food and other essentials before returning to the forest in Niger Republic.
“The nexus between Lakurawas and other terror groups in the Sahel are sometimes driven by mutual interests where we increasingly monitor terrorist groups often exploiting local banditry networks for logistics, intelligence, and funds.”
Despite these reports indicating that the groups were rejected by communities in Gada and Tanghaza LGAs, some component of the academia site research work by Professor Murtala Rufai of the Usman Danfodio University Sokoto and security forces, which indicated that the Lakurawas were invited to the locations by the District Head of Balle in Gudu Local Government together with the District Head of Gongono in Tanghaza LGAs with the support of the then Chairman of Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN) Alhaji Bello Wamakko to help the communities fend off marauding bandits from Zamfara State.
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There are reports that indicate that the Lakurawas fought and drove away bandits from some of these communities but other indications are that they also collaborated with them in some instances.
“By leveraging modern intelligence tools, fostering collaboration across government levels, and addressing the socio-economic drivers of extremism, Nigeria can effectively confront the Lakurawa threat and restore peace to affected regions.”
The key factors behind their emergence include:
1. Historical marginalisation: Many members of Lakurawa groups hail from nomadic or semi-nomadic communities, particularly the Fulani. Across the sahel, over decades, conflicts over land use, cattle grazing, and water resources have fueled tensions between pastoralists and sedentary farmers, creating a fertile ground for armed uprisings.
2. Economic drivers: Widespread poverty and limited access to livelihoods have incentivised criminal activities as a means of survival or enrichment.
3. Weak governance and policing: Limited state control in rural areas, compounded by ineffective law enforcement, has allowed these groups to grow with impunity.
4. Regional instability and proliferation of arms: The Sahel region has seen significant arms trafficking due to ongoing conflicts in countries like Libya, Mali, and Niger. The Lakurawa have benefited from this proliferation, enabling them to acquire sophisticated weaponry.
Affiliations with terror groups in the Sahel
The Lakurawas do not function as a monolithic entity but rather as a network of loosely affiliated groups. The nexus between Lakurawas and other terror groups in the Sahel are sometimes driven by mutual interests where we increasingly monitor terrorist groups often exploiting local banditry networks for logistics, intelligence, and funds. In return, they provide arms, ideological support, or safe havens). Additionally the criminal and ideological disposition of the groups present blurred lines. While not all Lakurawas are ideologically driven, the overlap of their activities with those of other terrorist groups makes it challenging to distinguish between purely criminal and extremist motives.
The affiliations of the Lakurawa terror group with other terror organisations in the Sahel are likely influenced by strategic, ideological, and operational considerations. While specific intelligence on Lakurawa’s linkages may not be widely available, the following points explore plausible connections and affiliations based on patterns observed among extremist groups operating in the Sahel region:
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1. Ideological affiliations
. Shared Islamist extremism: Lakurawa may share ideological frameworks with prominent Sahelian groups like Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) or the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS). Such shared beliefs in establishing Sharia governance or opposing Western influence often serve as a basis for collaboration or mutual recognition.
2. Operational collaboration
· Resource and knowledge sharing: Lakurawa might receive training, funding, or resources from established Sahelian groups. This could include weapons smuggling, operational tactics, or explosives expertise.
· Joint operations: In some cases, groups collaborate on attacks to enhance their impact or signal strength to adversaries, particularly against military targets or local governments.
3. Financial networks
· Funding channels: Groups like AQIM and ISGS have robust revenue streams from kidnapping for ransom, smuggling, and illicit trade. Lakurawa may tap into these networks for financial support in exchange for local logistical support or allegiance.
· Illicit trade: The Sahel is a hotspot for trafficking in arms, drugs, and people. Lakurawa could act as a local intermediary or partner for Sahelian groups engaging in these activities.
4. Territorial coordination
· Safe havens: With its proximity to the Sahel, the North-West of Nigeria could serve as a safe haven or fallback area for Sahelian militants fleeing military pressure in Mali, Burkina Faso, or Niger. Lakurawa could provide sanctuary in exchange for resources or operational support.
5. Recruitment and propaganda
· Recruitment networks: Lakurawa may leverage Sahel-based recruitment pipelines to attract fighters, particularly disillusioned youth, mercenaries, or other marginalised individuals.
· Cross-group propaganda: By affiliating with larger Sahelian groups, Lakurawa could amplify its legitimacy and propaganda reach, drawing more recruits or funding.
6. Rivalries or competition
While affiliations are common, terror groups in the Sahel sometimes compete for resources, recruits, or ideological supremacy. Lakurawa might either avoid or clash with other groups depending on overlapping operational interests.
While many operate as independent ideological oriented criminal enterprises, there is growing evidence of interactions between some Lakurawa factions and terrorist groups active in the Sahel region, including:
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1. Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS): ISGS operates in the tri-border area between Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger. Some reports suggest logistical and operational collaborations between ISGS and criminal groups in North West Nigeria, including arms trading and revenue sharing from kidnappings.
2. ISWAP (Islamic State West Africa Province): Though historically focused in the Lake Chad Basin, factions of ISWAP have extended influence into Northwestern Nigeria, leveraging alliances with local bandit groups to expand their reach and sustain operations.
3. Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) Interaction: Although JNIM is primarily an Al-Qaeda affiliate, some of its factions may collaborate temporarily with IS-affiliated groups for shared objectives.
4. Local Militias: Small armed groups or militias in the Sahel sometimes pledge loyalty to IS for access to resources or legitimacy, though their formal ties may be limited.
Read the complete part of the story on our website…
Sourced from Dr Kabir Adamu, Managing Director/CEO, Beacon Security and Intelligence Company Limited.
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