Why is corruption so very resilient in Nigeria? (2)

Corruption has penetrated the warp and woof of the Nigerian society. The boss and his messenger, the police officer and the recruit, the classroom teacher and his student, the politician and the voter, the judge and the lawyer, the pastor and his parishioner – none can remain untainted by this stigma. Two main factors have played upon each other in destroying the moral fibre of the nation: abject poverty and malevolent greed. The greed of the ruling class plays upon the poverty of the larger majority of the people to perpetuate the scourge of fraud and corruption.

Furthermore, there seems to be a clear case of insincerity among the leaders in truly addressing the problem; they have tasted the forbidden apple of power, wealth and personal ambition nurtured and grown by corruption, and most of their protestations against corruption is mere lip service. It does appear that the anti-corruption agencies are allowed to operate to the extent that they do not cross invisible boundaries imposed by the government of the day. Thus, in spite of spirited attempts by Nigeria’s EFCC to battle fraud, no chief executive of that body has been allowed to serve out his or her term. They have all been applauded when they hound the real or perceived enemies of the government of the day, and removed from office when they step on sacred toes.

In Nigeria’s recent history, no leader has addressed the cankerworm of fraud more directly than former President Olusegun Obasanjo (1999-2007). Yet, when he traded accusations with his deputy on pages of newspapers on their involvement in corruption, it became clear that Caesar’s wife was far from above suspicion. In washing their dirty linen in public, they revealed that much of the high level international fraud that Nigeria was involved in had its roots in the presidency.

The necessary follow-up, therefore, is that the battle against corruption in Nigeria is being prosecuted by men who are not morally qualified to lead in the crusade. It takes a revolutionary to call forth a revolution; and revolutionaries are moral purists and idealists who would rather place their own necks on the chopping block than go against the grain of their convictions. Very few Nigerian leaders would qualify as moral purists. In a recent public lecture, this writer raised five questions that are germane to our search for good governance and credible leadership in Nigeria today. Addressing a cross-section of Nigerian politicians including a serving governor, experienced bureaucrats, seasoned academics and captains of industry, this writer posed some heart-searching questions: (a) Is there any Nigerian leader you can hold out as an example and model for your children? (b) Which leader in Nigeria do you secretly want to be like in character, morality and general disposition? (c) Do you know of any Nigerian leader you can honestly say with confidence that he will never lie to the people? (d) Is there any Nigerian leader who can truly be called the servant of the people? (e) Which Nigerian leader do you really trust?

The answers to the above posers may begin to highlight Nigeria’s predicament as a nation in the search for credible and honest leadership.

Finally, corruption has been seen to be very rewarding in Nigeria; hardly is anyone truly called to account for corrupt crimes of the past. Obayelu (2007) blames three major factors for the enthronement of fraud and corruption in Nigeria: the nature of Nigeria’s political economy, the weak institutions of government, and a dysfunctional legal system. Absence of clear rules and codes of ethics, a culture of affluent and ostentatious living that puts pressure on public officials, and village/ethnic loyalties and competitive ethnicity. According to Obayelu, Nigeria is one of the very few countries in the world “where a man’s source of wealth is of no concern to his neighbours, the public or the government”. Until people perceive that it does not pay to be corrupt, they will not steer away from that course.

Mitigating the scourge of corruption

In order to successfully combat fraud and white-collar crimes, we must put in place a mechanism that will eradicate and transform the culture and legacy of corruption. The solution may not be a quick-fix, but it must address the root causes of fraud in the polity, and galvanize and orchestrate those measures that will herald the emergence of honest leaders with the political will to truly combat corruption. The nation’s leadership must demonstrate the willingness to track down and punish corrupt officials and citizens, even when their own friends and relations are involved. It must also create an economic climate that would raise the standard of living of the citizenry. This calls for a social safety-net among the non-working class, to reduce the worry about basic survival in the face of growing economic insecurity (Obayelu, 2007).

Besides, there is the need for a reinforced accountability framework that will insist that men in public office live in full glare of the public – transparent, morally sound, and of high ethical fibre. Public sector performance indicators may also be put in place to assess performance of public officers and determine their Character-Integrity Quotient. Perhaps the time is ripe to call for special tribunals that will fast-track the trial of anti-corruption cases to ensure their prosecution. Sutherland’s theory on fraud recognises that criminal behaviour is learned and copied. Strict application of the law may be a factor in helping people to “unlearn” criminal behaviour. Such tribunals will do well to include judiciary, police, regulators (like the EFCC, ICPC and Code of Conduct Bureau), private sector stakeholders, and civil society organisations. Such a step will be a welcome and nerve-tingling warning that government actually means business.

Furthermore, this paper strongly advocates a National Value Reorientation. Values are the constellation of likes, dislikes, viewpoints, inner inclinations, rational and irrational judgments, prejudices, and association patterns that determine a person’s view of the world (Spranger, 1928; Quoted by Gibson, et al 1997). They are guidelines a person uses when confronted with a situation in which a choice must be made. Men without values constitute a blot on the nation’s psyche. A teacher without values will sell grades for sex and money; an engineer without values will build roads and utilities that will neither endure nor give real service; an architect without values will design buildings that will collapse and kill their occupants; a judge without values would be a stranger to justice, selling and buying ex-parte motions, and standing fair conduct on its head; a politician without values will be an opportunist in the corridors of power – greedy, malevolent, deceitful, dishonest and above all, dangerous to the nation’s well-being; and, an accountant without values will substitute “expediency for priority, imitation for innovation, cosmetics for character, style for substance, and pretence for competence” (Covey, 2003).

Benjamin C. Osisioma