Before independence the question of official corruption was not a dominant issue although the colonial Government, itself the child of a relatively corrupt Government in Britain. Corruption was always at the back of the mind of Britain vis a vis Nigeria. Moreover, there was a simmering undercurrent in the colonial office that they must do all they can to promote the Northern interest and the Northerners whom they regarded as likely to be less corrupt and more stable than their noisy, over confident and radical southern counterparts. Various studies exist to show how the British skewered Nigerian politics into its tripod formation with the North as the clear favourite. This was done to the deliberate disadvantage of the minorities in the North, East and West. Between 1956 -1959 the question of the Minorities in Nigeria was recognized by Britain but regarded as a minor vexatious, irritant. (a feeling, unfortunately still shared today by some of the major ethnic groups).
Nevertheless there was no doubt that the three principal figures – Sarduana of Sokoto, Chief Awolowo, Dr. Azikiwe- were innurred into a belief that responsible Government had to be moral, ethical and free from corruption. Each of these leaders had powerful institutions – WNDC, ENDC, NNDC- buffer institutions -for price stability in agriculture and commerce, they had banks to prop up their states and political parties etc. The Yorubas, under Chief Obafemi Awolowo, had first barred the fangs of tribalism against Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe who, together with his party, the NCNC had won the elections is Western Nigeria. Awolowo’s master political stroke stopped Azikiwe and the NCNC, from running the Government. Chief Awolowo did this by persuading many legislators to leave the NCNC, cross carpet, and join the Action Group to form the majority party in the legislature. This led to the forceful return of Dr. Azikiwe to the East, thus replacing Prof. Eyo Ita, a minority man, who was then in power as premier in Easter Nigeria.
Many minorities in the East date the ousting of Prof. Eyo Ita and the return of Dr. Azikiwe as the beginning of Ibo domination, forgetting conveniently that the Yorubas in the West had actually voted for Dr. Azikiwe and that Prof. Eyo Ita could not have won in the East without the active support of the majority Ibos. Political memories, when convenient, are notoriously short! Nevertheless the British did all they could to discredit Azikiwe and tried to pillory him through the famous Foster Sutton Tribunal of Inquiring into Eastern Nigerian Government and the African Continental Bank. These antics clearly angered the Ibos who now came out in greater numbers to support Dr. Azikiwe.
Now were there corrupt people in Government in Nigeria then? There were, it is safe to say, many wealthy men in politics but there were few men who corruptly made money from politics. There were quite a number of wealthy Yorubas, Ibo, Hausas in politics but their wealth came outside of politics – the Odutolas, the Ologbegis, the Obisesans, the Doherty’s, the Obandes, Maideribes, the Attahs, the Dantatas, the Dipcharimas, the Ojukwus, the Ikokwus, the Akwaiwus, the Obis, the Nwapas, the Tom Big Harrys, the Jacks, the Pepples, the Amachrees, the Onyeamas etc. many were wealthy produce merchants, textile merchants, transporters, lawyers or other professionals etc.
By 1963 the lines for the future of Nigeria were already clearly drawn. Some wealthy Yorubas contributed to the Action Group while others equally contributed to the NCNC. The Northern aristorcracy of Fulani – Hausas supported the NPC whereas the Middle Belt was divided. The parties, however, got most of their finances from the people through effective pursuit of payment by registered party members. In the election in 1964/1965, there was little evidence that the Government had suborned aspects of the state for political recruitment or enrichment and the results of the elections, though disputed and contested, were as expected.
The coup leaders in 1966 partly blamed their action on corruption; Government drift/political instability. There was a feeling that politicians were overstaying their purpose and tenure, that they were not nationalistic enough –hence the coup leaders killed people from all ethnic groups in the military and in politics (except Ibos). They also claimed that the military was being tribalized and that there was a loss of professionalism.
In January 1966, General Aguiyi Ironsi, an Ibo general, took over the Government as head of State thus solidifying Northern suspicions that the coup was a reaction against the North led by the Ibos.
Northern fear was allegedly confirmed by some decisions of the Federal Government (National Government) and the proclamation of the infamous Unity Decree – unifying the civil services of Nigeria such that senior officers could be sent anywhere within Nigeria to work, regardless of state of origin.
The Northern reaction was a pogrom in the North, through killing of thousands of Southern civilians. The Northern officers organized their own coup of July 1966 – partly in retaliation and partly, to dismantle Nigeria. General Gowon’s first speech stated that there is no basis for remaining in Nigeria. (He later changed his mind). Colonel Ojukwu agreed and took the east out of Nigeria. A civil war ensued. The war ended in 1970 with General Gowon declaring; No Victor No vanquished. – The civil war made millionaires as any civil war usually does. (There may have been corrupt officers during the civil war).
Briefly put – the military in 1966 intervened into politics inter alia, to stop corruption. Every military intervention since then has had this mantra of stopping corruption. Every succeeding Government in Nigeria, it is safe to say, has been more corrupt than its predecessor.
The three Rs of General Gowon-Reconciliation, Reconstruction, Rehabilitation – again, made many Nigerians successful businessmen inevitably through the implementation of the Three Rs:
The civil service of Gowon was powerful: its policies were bound to increase access to wealth – but no clear evidence till 1973 that political office holders were themselves, corrupt or ostentatiously so. General Gowon was quoted as saying that “Nigeria had so much money; we do not know what to do with it”.
There is another anecdotal story that in 1974 a young lady saw a line outside the Ministry of Defence. She asked what were people queuing for and was told they were waiting for contracts for cement. She also stood in line and was given a contract!
By 1974 worrying signs had begun to creep in. Some blamed this on the so called super- permanent secretaries, others on their friends and colleagues who had done well.
The Coup of 1975 was clearly aimed at stopping Government drift, “indiscipline” in civil service , sometime characterized by ostentation. The new Government attempted to return to low profile among officers and civil servants ending culture of excessive Government contracts without due process (the cement armada) and the end unfortunately, of a proper building programme for military barracks) throughout Nigeria. 1975 also saw the end of ostentatiously wealthy solders – Adekunle and his white Rolls Royce – and the continued removal of all officers who could not satisfactionally explain their standard of living etc. (The Bello inquiry – and seizure of property of civilian and military commissioners under Gowon, seizure of Adeyemi Bero’s and Coker’s houses, return to the policy of one -man one plot, seizure of Chief E. K. Clark’s cinemas etc.
Patrick Dele Cole
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