Defection as political cancer

As the dust raised by the 2015 general election is gradually settling down, it is essential for us to begin to take stock of certain issues and events that characterized the elections. Since the return of the country to democracy in 1999, no election has generated so much fretfulness and tension like the 2015 elections. Many soothsayers had forecast doomsday for our dear nation. Their prediction had pointed to the disintegration of the Nigerian nationhood from the expected crisis that will erupt as direct fallout of the outcome of the election, particularly the presidential polls. The tension was principally heightened by the ethno-religious trump cards played by the political class to take advantage of the mindset of the populace to win votes.

The election has now come and gone and it has been adjudged from various quarters to be relatively free and fair and largely peaceful, even though it is skirmished by condemnable pockets of violence and bloodletting in some isolated parts of the country. Winners have emerged and losers, in a new trend that is uncommon to our political climate, are conceding defeat (for the sake of our national integration) with laudable equanimity! For the first time since 1999, the opposition party has been able to unseat the ruling party and this election has, no doubt, marked a watershed in the political history of Nigeria.

However, one particular development thrown up by the outcome of the election is the gale of defections across some political parties. Even though ‘carpet crossing’ is not a new or rare practice in Nigerian politics, the rate at which many notable politicians and their throng of followers are decamping from the hitherto ruling party to the newly elected party is alarming and therefore calls for concern. Some of the notable names on the defection list include President Goodluck Jonathan’s former senior special adviser on political affairs, Ahmed Gulak; PDP’s former legal adviser and the party’s candidate in the 2012 governorship election in Ondo State, Olusola Oke; deputy governor of Jigawa State, Ahmad Mahmud; and PDP’s governorship candidate in the November 2012 governorship election in Edo State, Charles Airhiavbere.

This development is leading to the depletion and weakening of the People’s Democratic Party which should now form the major opposition to the newly elected All Progressives Congress (APC), and the dearth of a viable and formidable opposition portends danger for our fledgling democracy and national development. The notion of opposition as an integral feature of our political system must not be conceived to be merely dissent; it is essential for the sound working of democracy. In every popular government, opposition is not only natural but when conducted on liberal principles, it is highly necessary and useful.

Unless there is a vigilant opposition constantly on the alert and ever watchful of government’s policies and actions, the ruling party would tend to get complacent and tardy or become arbitrary and autocratic. The constant presence of a formidable opposition is an obstacle to despotism. When there are well-informed critics ever ready to expose the wrongs committed by the government and to bring to light its acts of omission and commission, the ruling party can hardly afford to be negligent in the performance of its duty towards the country. The constant tug-of-war between the majority party and the opposition keeps the government on its toes and ensures good governance.

As a country, we should emulate some advanced democracies in the world where the oppositions are galvanized into a formidable force that catalyzes good and effective governance. The British Parliament is universally acknowledged as one of the best model for effective opposition system in the world. Nearly all the government systems of world democracies including the US and Australia are based on this system, of course, with some minor or major departures. In Britain, the opposition is officially recognized as His or Her Majesty’s opposition. The leader of the opposition is regarded as the future prime minister, since his party offers a viable alternative to the government of the day. His council is popularly known as the ‘Shadow Cabinet’. He is accorded official recognition, granted an annual salary, a parliamentary allowance and, in addition, is provi­ded with several facilities to enable him to function adequately.

Another outstanding contribution of effective opposition to democracy is that it educates the people of the land on political matters and assures active and intelligent participation of the people in public affairs. According to Lindsay, the well-known American political analyst, “The democratic problem is the control of the organization of power by the common man.” The citizens of a democratic country must be ‘thinking men and women’, possessing independent opinions and capable of taking intelligent interest in public affairs. Without edu­cation there can be no intelligent discussion and participation in the processes of governance. Education produces rational human beings, having the power to discriminate between good and bad.

If we are desirous of strengthening our democracy in order to stimulate good governance that will bring about growth and development, we must begin to ensure the entrenchment of a viable opposition structure in our political arrangement. The time to start that is now! It has become imperative for the political parties in opposition, particularly the PDP, to stem the influx of their members into the ruling party. This remains the only way the quantity and the quality of the opposition can be maintained and sustained, or else Nigeria stands the risk of sinking into a one-party state conundrum.

The PDP may want to borrow a leaf from the APC on how its tenacity and resilience have been a huge factor in wresting power from the ruling party after 16 years. The leading opposition parties needed to form a merger before they could upstage the humongous PDP. The very essence of democracy is dissent and debate. As a government of, for, and by the people, it must work through discus­sion and persuasion.

Ruling parties in Nigeria seldom acknowledge the considerable contributions of opposition parties but often adopt them as their own ideas later. The APC must strive to avoid this pitfall. Those who are deeply entrenched in seats of power of their legacy are very intolerant of the opposition. This may well explain why many in the political class do not wish to be in opposition. The Nigerian political class must realise the transient nature of power and the most important thing to do is make the best use of it whenever the opportunity presents itself.

It is necessary for both the ruling party and the opposition to observe the rules of the game. They must not play foul; for one foul step will lead to an endless cycle of fouls and mistakes. Demo­cracy then becomes a mess. To be sound and effective, opposition must be vigilant, responsible and healthy. The true function of the opposition, to keep the government on its toes and prevent misuse of power, can be performed only when there is discipline, sense of responsibility and belonging to the nation and a determination to give top priority to public and national interests as against personal or party interests.

SOLA OGUNMOSUNLE